What would it take for me to salute Israel?

The adverts for this weekend's 'Salute to Israel' celebrations are in rather bad taste.

Of course, if we were simply celebrating, as their website suggests, the end of centuries of Jewish persecution and the safety of the Jews in their own homeland, I wouldn't object to a "parade and family fun extravaganza." I would even salute.

Alas, I don't feel inclined to throw a party for the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians. Even if you reject Pappe's compelling thesis that Ben Gurion pursued this end deliberately and meticulously, the removal of countless Palestinians from their homes, and the consequent expulsion of Jews from many Arab lands is no cause for celebration.

That said, the second rate status of Palestinians within Israel, generously ignoring for now the Occupied Territories, is better than that of many Arabs in their own lands. Saudi repression of minorities, Algerian torture of dissidents, Syrian police state penetration, and Egyptian exclusion of dissent make Israel look like an ideal holiday destination for Arabs everywhere.

And in order to guard against my largely negative views of Israel's actions becoming an ossified dislike of Israel under any circumstances, it's worth articulating the steps Israel would have to take before I could salute it.

Of course, a start would be improving the humanitarian treatment of Palestinians, but take that as read.

1. Recognise the Nakba
Simply accepting that Palestinians can not celebrate the fact that they were either uprooted or forced to live as second class citizens under yet another colonial state in the land their ancestors inhabited for generations would be a dramatic step towards dethroning Zionism in the Israeli national story.

This acceptance should be articulated by politicians, written into Israeli children's education, and incorporated into the Israeli national narrative as a counterbalance to the Zionist monopoly.

2. Withdraw to 1967 borders
Entirely arbitrary as it is, maintaining the Green Line as a proper border, outside of which the Israeli government is not de facto or de jure sovereign, would enable Palestinians to have their own state, regime and government. Partial as this would be in the minds of many Palestinians, it would enable genuine self-determination and national independence to flourish alongside democratic development.

3. Recognise the moral right of return
The pragmatic arguments against allowing immediate return to Palestinian refugees are many.

However, thousands of Palestinians have legal deeds to properties inhabited by others or wiped off the map (to coin a phrase), and their moral claim to these properties should at least be acknowledged.

There are ways of approaching the practicalities of Palestinian return as well. Matching all Jewish immigration with Palestinian refugee immigration, equally supported, would be a hugely significant gesture.

Of course, the return lottery will hardly be satisfying to the millions of Palestinian losers, but we are ultimately attempting to rectify one historical injustice only in so far as this does not create another one.

4. Share an undivided Jerusalem
Does this smack of compromise? I refer you to my earlier answer! I believe most Palestinians would consider it.

It also presents some wonderful opportunities. If Jerusalem is the jointly administered capital of Israel and Palestine, what is to stop cooperation between the two governments, even to the extent that we could end up with a Federation of the Holy Land comprising sovereign Palestine and sovereign Israel? Some have suggested Jordan could join the fun.

Will this happen?
The main obstacle would be removed with item one - a cultural obstacle in which Zionism is the sole premise and outworking of the Israeli story. So it certainly could happen over time.

History's precedent is compromise, and a resulting loss of memory amongst the victims, as their lot improves. If this happens, I may not salute Israel, but there will be more interesting things to blog about.